Wednesday, 15 February 2012

High Security Registration Plates (HSRP)


High Security Registration Plates (HSRP) refer to vehicle registration plates that have been introduced by the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways to prevent counterfeiting and duplication of vehicle number plates.  This will curb vehicle thefts and misuse.

The HSRPs have:
- a non-replicable chromium hologram having the engine and chassis number. This will stick to the windshield and will get damaged if someone tries to tamper with it.
- the rear registration plate will be fitted with a non-reusable snap-lock, which if forcible removed will break and thus clearly show that the number plate has been tampered with. 


High-security registration plates
Source: reference 1.

The policy decision to introduce HSRPs was taken in 2001 but it hasn’t been implemented yet. Apparently only Sikkim and Meghalaya have introduced this so far. Therefore recently the Supreme Court has directed all state governments to ensure HSRP for all vehicles by June 15th, 2012. 


Tuesday, 7 February 2012

Specific Absorption Rate (SAR)

SAR is the amount of radio frequency energy absorbed by the body when using a mobile phone. India has adopted a stringent SAR limit of 1.6 watts per kg. Also directions have been given to prominently display the SAR value on every handset.

The risks of long-term exposure to radio frequency waves have been established in a recent study. Younger children should be discouraged from using cellular phones, because their skulls are thinner than adults and cells are more likely to be sensitive to mobile-phone radiation.

Source: The Hindu, 7th Feb., 2012.

Homai Vyarawalla


Was India’s first woman photojournalist. She was active from 1930-70. Used the pseudonym ‘Dalda-13’. Was awarded Padma Vibhushan in 2011. Died in Jan 2012. 

Monday, 6 February 2012

Sec. 27(3) of The Arms Act (1959)


Section 27 (3) of The Arms Act (1959) provides for mandatory death sentence to an accused charged with an offence under this provision.
Section 27(3) says: “Whoever uses any prohibited arms or prohibited ammunition or does any act in contravention of Section 7 and such use or act results in the death of any other person shall be punishable with death.”
The Supreme Court of India struck down Sec 27(3) as unconstitutional, because it imposes mandatory death penalty on the convicted person and runs contrary to the statutory safeguards that give the judiciary discretion in the matter of imposing death penalty. Thus it violates the principle of ‘judicial review’ (which is a ‘basic feature’ of the Constitution).

The SC also noted that the Arms Act is a post-constitutional law and thus has to obey Art. 13 of Constitution (which says that any law that takes away of abridges the rights given in this Part, i.e. Fundamental Rights, shall be void). The Sec 27 (3) is thus repugnant to Art. 14 and 21 of the Constitution and is therefore void.

S-Band Spectrum


The S-Band is a part of the electromagnetic spectrum, and refers to radio waves with frequency of 2.5 GHz. It is being used globally for providing mobile broadband services using fourth generation technologies such as WiMax and Long Term Evolution (LTE).

This frequency band is unique because it has a substantial amount of spectrum (190 MHz) that can be put to use for mobile services. The World Radio-Communications Conference 2000 (held under the aegis of the International Telecommunication Union), designated the 2.5 Ghz band for mobile services. Since then there is great demand for this spectrum among telecom providers, fetching governments billions of dollars in auctions.

In India there is much competition for S-Band spectrum between providers of terrestrial mobile phone service, satellite mobile services, wireless broadband service and the Department of Space (which needs it for radio networking, meteorological data dissemination etc). Despite this the S-Band Spectrum in the Antrix-Devas deal was given without auction for a nominal sum of Rs. 1000 crore for 70 MHz, in comparison to BSNL and MTNL who were asked to pay Rs. 12,847 crore for 20 Mhz allotted to them. (The deal was scrapped in 2011 and investigations are underway).

The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India has sought to review the usage of this frequency band by the incumbents (DoS was allotted 150MHz of the band in the 1980s), and refarm it for commercial mobile services. This is required to keep the Indian telecom industry in step with global trends, and thus maintain its viability and efficiency. 3

INSAT Coordination Committee (ICC)


The INSAT Coordination Committee (ICC) is a body responsible for the overall coordination and management of the INSAT system, as well as to recommend the utilisation of satellite capacities by non-government users. It is headed by a Secretary-level Officer. It is currently in the news w.r.t. the Antrix-Devas deal on S-Band Spectrum, as it is being contended that the ICC was not informed of this deal.

1.      The Hindu

Thursday, 2 February 2012

MMRCA (Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft)


The Government of India is seeking to induct 126 Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) to fill the gap between the Light Combat Aircraft (Tejas still undergoing trials) and the Sukhoi-30 fighters in the Indian Airforce. It will replace ageing aircraft as well as augment the squadron strength which is estimated to stand at 32-33, much below the desired target of 39.5. The induction of the MMRCA will also bring in the required firepower to tackle China and Pakistan.4

After an almost decade-long process, the Ministry of Defence selected the Rafale fighter aircraft of the French Dassault Company, in January 2012. The Ministry has allocated about 12 billlion USD for the purchase of these aircraft, making it India's single largest defence deal.1

Although GoI is stating that the selection has been made purely on technical and cost grounds, the decision would have some strategic impact. “For India, the Rafale acquisition widens its strategic options in a world where multi-polarity is a fact of life. It could provide the leverage for India to hold France to its promise of increasing cooperation across a whole range of areas. Of particular interest, is the enrichment and reprocessing (ENR) equipment transfers.  This acquires importance in light of the 2008 Nuclear Suppliers Group ban on sale of ENR items to India, where France said that it would not be bound by the new restrictions”.7 Another area to receive a fillip could be intelligence sharing, and joint observation of the Indian Ocean. Increased cooperation between India and France may also help India to spread its influence in western Africa, which is known as France’s backyard.8

Nonetheless India is behind China in air-capability. The MMRCA are fourth generation fighter jets, whereas China is preparing to induct its fifth generation indigenous stealth fighter Chengdu J-2o in 2017. It would take almost four years for the first aircraft to arrive after the deal is inked, so by the time India gets its fourth generation aircraft in 2016, the Chinese will be ready to induct their fifth generation aircraft. To keep pace on this, India and Russia signed a preliminary design contract to jointly develop a Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft in December 2010. However the fear remains that this project will be subject to the huge delays that have dogged joint ventures with Russia. 3

Note: A squadron comprises around 18 to 20 aircraft.5

Monday, 30 January 2012

Northern Distribution Network (NDN)


The NDN is a network of road, rail and air routes connecting Baltic and Caspian ports with Afghanistan via Russia, Central Asia, and the Caucasus. It came into being in early 2009, to enable supplies to US forces in Afghanistan, and was developed as an alternative to the Pakistani supply line that had become increasingly vulnerable to ambushes. Its strategic importance increased when Pakistan blocked all supply routes to Afghanistan following the US drone attack which killed 24 of its soldiers in November 2011.



Despite higher transit costs, the NDN carries close to 75 percent of all non-military items bound for Afghanistan. In addition, more than 60 percent of Coalition Forces’ fuel needs are transited through Central Asia.2

While the impetus behind creating new supply lines is grounded in the military’s immediate needs, their establishment nonetheless offers a unique opportunity for Washington to further longer-term strategic goals. This project will help the United States take responsible steps towards a viable Afghanistan that is economically and politically integrated with regional and global markets.  At the same time, the project will help the United States further its interests within transit states. 1

Therefore NDN and the expanded US presence in Afghanistan will impact the geopolitical landscape of Eurasia.  Key transit states will enjoy new leverage over Washington while others could apply pressure indirectly. Analysts draw attention to the authoritarian regimes (Uzbekistan, Tajikistan), terrible human rights records (Pres. Islam Karimov of Uzbekistan), regional hostilities between the nations (Uzbekistan and Tajikistan), instable nature of the Central Asian states (Tajikistan’s economy relies on drug trafficking and exporting labour to Russia; in Kyrgyztan two revolutions have toppled leaders since 2005), with whom the US needs to now cooperate. Additionally, Moscow occasionally uses its cooperation on Afghanistan as a bargaining chip. 5

When Pakistan blocked all supply routes to Afghanistan, in addition to US forces, Afghan businessmen were also widely affected. Thousands of Afghan-bound containers loaded with commercial goods have been stranded in the port city of Karachi. Each and every time commercial goods are grounded in Pakistan, Afghan businessmen are losing money and Afghan consumers are paying higher prices for goods that are imported through Pakistan. The NDN could be the alternate route for Afghan businessmen too, however to fully utilize this network, the Afghan government needs to sign a pact with several countries.3

Wednesday, 26 October 2011

Public Service Guarantee Acts


The Public Service Guarantee Acts is an effort to ensure time-bound delivery of services to the public. This legislation was considered because of the inability of citizen’s charters at enabling efficient and effective public service delivery. It involves putting people at the centre of public services and enabling them to claim the standards of service to which they are entitled.

The PSGA will uproot corruption at the lower level bureaucracy and bring about good governance, transparency, accountability, and responsiveness of the administration. It has been passed in many states- Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, J&K, Himachal Pradesh, Bihar, and bills are under consideration in many others.

The procedure under the Public Service Guarantee Act is that
1.    The applicant willl receive a receipt when he submits an application, and the time begins from the date of submission which is mentioned the receipt.
2.    There is a fixed time for every officer to keep a file with him. If the officer in charge fails to provide the service in time the applicant can approach the first and second appellate officers. They would instruct the officer concerned to provide the service.
3.    In case of delay, the officer in charge will have to pay a fine. In the MP act the fine is to the tune of Rs. 250 per day, maximum of Rs. 5,000.
4.    The Appellate officer can also be penalized if he fails to ensure the delivery of service, and is unable to give any valid reason for non delivery of services.
5.    In the J&K Act, part of the fine shall be given to the complainant as compensation for delay in receiving the service.

Some of the services guaranteed in this Act include: Birth Certificate, Caste Certificate, Domicile Certificate, Tap water supply connection, Death Certificate, BPL Card, Driving License etc. Slowly more services and government departments will be brought under the purview of this Act. 

www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200708/cmselect/.../411.pdf

India- Myanmar


Background
Myanmar, a country of estimated 56 million people, has abundant natural resources such as oil, natural gas, timber, and minerals. Once known as the rice bowl of the world, it was the richest country in the region at the time it gained independence from colonial rule in 1948. Myanmar started as a parliamentary democracy, but was beset by ethnic strife from the start, and soon the different groups began to resist domination by the Burman, the majority ethnic group. 
Despite constitutional disputes, representative democracy survived in Burma until the military coup of 1962 led by General Ne Win, who held power for the next twenty-six years. Throughout this period, there were no free elections, and freedom of expression and association were almost entirely denied, and the economy deteriorated significantly. The military has extensive economic interests and its members occupy top positions in almost every government agency.
By mid-1988, food shortages and economic discontent led to mass protests, often spearheaded by monks and students. During the 1988 protests, Aung San Suu Kyi rose to prominence as the leader of the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). In 1990, the junta held elections in which NLD garnered 82 percent of the vote despite Suu Kyi's house arrest. The military government refused to acknowledge the results, imprisoned many NLD politicians, forced others to flee, and continued to clamp down on dissent, closing the country to the outside world.
The junta renamed itself the State Peace and Development Council in November 1997 and continues under this name to the present day. In 2007 Burma witnessed protests led by Buddhist monks. [Monks in Myanmar have had a history of political activism dating back to colonial times. Monks enjoy the highest moral authority in Myanmar and monasteries play a prominent role in society, filling the gap in social services created by the government.] This was followed by the government drafting a new constitution and putting it to vote in May 2008 amid the humanitarian crisis from the cyclone. According to the junta the constitutional referendum won an overwhelming majority, but rights groups called the vote "a fraud." 2


History of India- Myanmar relations- Importance of Myanmar for India
India-Myanmar relations are rooted in shared historical, ethnic, cultural and religious ties. As the land of Lord Buddha, India is a country of pilgrimage for the people of Myanmar. A large population of Indian origin (according to some estimates about 2.5 million) lives in Myanmar, with Chin, Kachin and Mizo tribes on both sides of the border..8
Myanmar was part of British India from 1886 when it was annexed by the colonial army. In 1937 it became a separately administered territory. Nonetheless there were strong links between the national leaders of India and Burma in their quest for freedom.
India had a close relationship with Myanmar's people. This warmed considerably in the wake of the 1988 mass protests against military rule when India staunchly criticized the military's repression and provided sanctuary to democracy activists. This resulted in ordinary people looking to India for support in their struggle for democracy. 

But that support ceased from the mid-1990s with India adopting a "pragmatic policy" towards Myanmar. India needed to deal with whoever was in power in Myanmar and with Suu Kyi unlikely to come to power, the Indian government needed to continue dealing with the generals. This was in recognition of the importance of Myanmar for India.



The importance of Myanmar to India stems from the following:
-       India and Myanmar share a 1640km long unfenced border. North-east insurgents (NSCN, ULFA, Manipur rebels) have been known to use this border to seek refuge in Myanmar, therefore security cooperation is a main component of bilateral relations. India has signed a mutual legal assistance agreement through which Indian insurgents held in Myanmar can be deported to India. This is the first time that Myanmar has signed such an agreement with any country.7

-       Can serve as transit to NE states bypassing Bangladesh. Burma has encouraged India to build cross-border infrastructure which will allow access to NE states from Sittwe port.
-       Can serve as transit to ASEAN states because Myanmar is an ASEAN member by opening road and rail links to the mainland ASEAN economies.
-       Myanmar is a member of the Mekong Ganga Cooperation (MGC). MGC is an initiative by six countries – India and five ASEAN countries namely, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam – for cooperation in the fields of tourism, education, culture, transport and communication.8
-       Access to Myanmar's widely coveted energy resources (oil and gas) and hydropower capacity.
-       Recent reports of Myanmar's quest for the acquisition of nuclear weapons from North Korea (with Chinese and Pakistani help), though uncorroborated, are of concern to India as nuclear weapons in the hands of yet another military regime would not be conducive to long-term strategic stability in South Asia.5
-       Today India has become the fourth-largest investor in Myanmar and one of only eight countries known to regularly supply its army with lethal weaponry.  According to official statistics, Myanmar—India bilateral trade reached $1.07 billion in 2010—11, standing as Myanmar’s fourth largest trading partner after Thailand, Singapore and China.4

Chinese influence in Myanmar. Myanmar has been regarded as a “client state of China". Bilateral trade between China and Myanmar exceeds $1.5 billion and China is one of the major suppliers of arms to the junta. China, along with Russia, has consistently defended the government against efforts by mainly Western states to press UN sanctions. Its growing influence is a matter of grave concern:
o   China has made rapid advances into Myanmar and established close political, military and economic relations.
o   Myanmar provides China the shortest land route access to the northern Indian Ocean. China is developing Sittwe as a commercial port on the west coast. Additionally China is helping upgrade facilities at Coco Island port (Coco Islands are in the Bay of Bengal and are geographically part of the Andaman Islands archipelago). It is natural to expect/suspect  that Chinese naval activity in the Bay of Bengal will soon follow.5
o   China has signed a long-term agreement with Myanmar for the exploitation of its hydrocarbon reserves and for the transportation of oil and gas through a 1,100 km overland pipeline from Kyaukryu port in Myanmar to the border city of Ruili in Yunnan. This pipeline will reduce the distance by 1,200 km and make China less dependent on the Malacca Straits.
o   There are also concerns that China has set up radars in Myanmar territory to monitor Indian missile movements.
Thus its very important for India to develop a strong relationship with Burma to counter the spread of Chinese influence into the Indian subcontinent.


India’s recent engagement with Myanmar
Although India has engaged the Burmese junta, analysts say in reality India's benefits from cooperation with the junta have been disappointingly small on both the economic and security fronts. The Burmese regime plays India and China off of each other, protecting its own interests above all. But when forced to choose, the Burmese junta invariably favors Beijing. A case in point was the 2005 decision to award China a 30-year contract to develop the most valuable blocks of the Shwe natural gas fields despite India putting in a higher bid. This leaning towards China stems from the fact that, China has supported the junta from Western criticism and will expectedly continue to do so in the future too.  1.
On its part India supports democracy and democratization, but believes that this has to be an internal process. The GOI has used its influence with the generals to move towards an inclusive society and broadbased participation in governance. The Indian government had also persuaded the Generals to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Indian engagement with the junta has many positive outcomes too. It has created some goodwill in the Myanmar regime for India which was evidenced from Indian relief operations being allowed in the wake of the earthquake in March 2011. UN Under-Secretary General was allowed entry into Burma after Indian persuasion.
The situation has changed with the 2010 elections, which put in place a nominally democratic government. This has given India space to widen its engagement. Though the election was widely viewed as deeply flawed, it set in motion a process of change. New political institutions - a presidential system, two houses of parliament, 14 regional governments and assemblies - have been created. Civil society groups, which emerged in the wake of Cyclone Nargis, have reportedly grown in number in recent months.  Myanmar's parliamentarians and civil society activists have expressed interest in India's "considerable experience in parliamentary democracy and institution building".
Analysts opine that New Delhi should be clever and use its values and role as a leader within Asia to change the regional calculus on Burma. This means working with fellow democracies in the region such as Indonesia, Japan and Thailand to press for political reform and improvement on human-rights, economic and internal security issues that have external consequences for the region.1
By broadening the scope of its engagement in Myanmar while retaining its focus on security concerns and furthering economic interests, India appears to be winning back lost public goodwill. New Delhi is no doubt hoping that the people-centric projects and reaching out to the masses will make its relationship with its eastern neighbor more sustainable. 


Some projects that are under discussion or in the pipeline:
-       $120 million Kaladan multimodal transit and transport project that India has funded and constructed. This project will link landlocked Mizoram with Myanmar's Sittwe port. India is already upgrading Sittwe port. 6
-       an agreement for construction of an 80-kilometer road linking Rhi in India's northeastern state of Mizoram with Riddim in Myanmar's mountainous Chin province. The US$60 million project is expected to improve overland trade, providing a boost to the local economies
-       India pledged $10 million towards capacity building in Myanmar- will focus on the agricultural sector, which is the backbone of Myanmar's economy. India is setting up an agricultural research center.
-       India handed over 10 modern and disaster-proof rice silos to preserve grains during natural calamities. Ministry of Agriculture will be drawing up plans on extending cooperation to Myanmar. India has already agreed to provide $10mn for procurement of agricultural tools, and 100 computers to help computerize land records.
-       India will send an ASI team to help restore the 11th century Ananda temple in Mandalay region.
-       India has agreed to modernize the childerns hospital in Yangon.

Burma’s growing significance as the linking pin between South Asia and East Asia.
U Thant Myin in a new book envisages a fundamental reorientation of Asia with the two great civilizations of India and China being woven closer together and Burma playing the linking pin.
The Chinese were the first to recognize the great opportunity that Burma presented and in the 1990s unveiled plans to connect its interiors to the Indian Ocean. This realizes what has been termed a “two oceans policy” to link China to the World- first is Pacific  and the second would be Indian Ocean. In this vision Burma becomes a new bridge to the Bay of Bengal  and the seas beyond. This also resolves China’s “Malacca Dilemma”- China is heavily dependent on foreign oil, and approximately 80 percent of these oil imports currently pass through the Strait of Malacca, For Chinese strategists, the strait is a natural choke point where future enemies could cut off foreign energy supplies. Burma provides the alternative route needed. Chinese planners have declared that by 2016 it will be possible to travel from Rangoon to Beijing in a day, a grand route that they hope will one day extend to Delhi and therefrom to Europe.9
Meanwhile, India has its own ambitions. Not left behind is the US- the Obama administration has compromised its proclaimed promotion of human rights and democracy in its quest to counterbalance China. Some in the opposition believe the US, too, has begun to "Look East" and subjugated its previous commitment to promoting rights and democracy in Myanmar to the broader strategic policy aim of counterbalancing China. 

Myanmar has thus become a new testing ground for great power competition- a Great Game. 3 


References: